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	1	<head><title>History Of Cities And City Planning</title></head><body>
	2
	3	<h1>History Of Cities And City Planning</h1>
	4
	5	<h1>By Cliff Ellis</h1>
	6
	7	<h2>Introduction</h2>
	8
	9	The building of cities has a long and complex history. Although city
	10	planning as an organized profession has existed for less than a
	11	century, all cities display various degrees of forethought and
	12	conscious design in their layout and functioning. <p>
	13
	14	Early humans led a nomadic existence, relying on hunting and gathering
	15	for sustenance. Between 8,000 and 10,000 years ago, systematic
	16	cultivation of plants and the domestication of animals allowed for
	17	more permanent settlements. During the fourth millennium B.C., the
	18	requirements for the "urban revolution" were finally met: the
	19	production of a surplus of storable food, a system of writing, a more
	20	complex social organization, and technological advances such as the
	21	plough, potter's wheel, loom, and metallurgy. <p>
	22
	23	Cities exist for many reasons, and the diversity of urban forms can be
	24	traced to the complex functions that cities perform. Cities serve as
	25	centers of storage, trade, and manufacture. The agricultural surplus
	26	from the surrounding countryside is processed and distributed in
	27	cities. Cities also grew up around marketplaces, where goods from
	28	distant places could be exchanged for local products. Throughout
	29	history, cities have been founded at the intersections of
	30	transportation routes, or at points where goods must shift from one
	31	mode of transportation to another, as at river and ocean ports. <p>
	32
	33	Religious elements have been crucial throughout urban history. Ancient
	34	peoples had sacred places, often associated with cemeteries or
	35	shrines, around which cities grew. Ancient cities usually had large
	36	temple precincts with monumental religious buildings. Many medieval
	37	cities were built near monasteries and cathedrals. <p>
	38
	39	Cities often provide protection in a precarious world. During attacks,
	40	the rural populace could flee behind city walls, where defence forces
	41	assembled to repel the enemy. The wall served this purpose for
	42	millennia, until the invention of heavy artillery rendered walls
	43	useless in warfare. With the advent of modern aerial warfare, cities
	44	have become prime targets for destruction rather than safe havens.
	45	<p>
	46
	47	Cities serve as centers of government. In particular, the emergence of
	48	the great nation-states of Europe between 1400 and 1800 led to the
	49	creation of new capital cities or the investing of existing cities
	50	with expanded governmental functions. <p>
	51
	52	Washington, D.C., for example, displays the monumental buildings,
	53	radial street pattern, and large public spaces typical of capital
	54	cities. <p>
	55
	56	Cities, with their concentration of talent, mixture of peoples, and
	57	economic surplus, have provided a fertile ground for the evolution of
	58	human culture: the arts, scientific research, and technical
	59	innovation. They serve as centers of communication, where new ideas
	60	and information are spread to the surrounding territory and to foreign
	61	lands. <p>
	62
	63	<h2>Constraints on City Form</h2>
	64
	65	Cities are physical artifacts inserted into a preexisting natural
	66	world, and natural constraints must be respected if a settlement is to
	67	survive and prosper. Cities must conform to the landscape in which
	68	they are located, although technologies have gradually been developed
	69	to reorganize the land to suit human purposes. Moderately sloping land
	70	provides the best urban site, but spectacular effects have been
	71	achieved on hilly sites such as San Francisco, Rio de Janeiro, and
	72	Athens. <p>
	73
	74	Climate influences city form. For example, streets have been aligned
	75	to take advantage of cooling breezes, and arcades designed to shield
	76	pedestrians from sun and rain. The architecture of individual
	77	buildings often reflects adaptations to temperature, rainfall, snow,
	78	wind and other climatic characteristics. <p>
	79
	80	Cities must have a healthy water supply, and locations along rivers
	81	and streams, or near underground watercourses, have always been
	82	favored. Many large modern cities have outgrown their local water
	83	supplies and rely upon distant water sources diverted by elaborate
	84	systems of pipes and canals. <p>
	85
	86	City location and internal structure have been profoundly influenced
	87	by natural transportation routes. Cities have often been sited near
	88	natural harbors, on navigable rivers, or along land routes determined
	89	by regional topography. <p>
	90
	91	Finally, cities have had to survive periodic natural disasters such as
	92	earthquakes, hurricanes, tornados, and floods. The San Francisco
	93	earthquake of 1906 demonstrated how natural forces can undo decades of
	94	human labor in a very short time. <p>
	95
	96	<h2>Elements of Urban Structure</h2>
	97
	98	City planners must weave a complex, ever-changing array of elements
	99	into a working whole: that is the perennial challenge of city
	100	planning. The physical elements of the city can be divided into three
	101	categories: networks, buildings, and open spaces. Many alternative
	102	arrangements of these components have been tried throughout history,
	103	but no ideal city form has ever been agreed upon. Lively debates about
	104	the best way to arrange urban anatomies continue to rage, and show no
	105	signs of abating. <p>
	106
	107	<h3>Networks</h3>
	108
	109	Every modern city contains an amazing array of pathways to carry flows
	110	of people, goods, water, energy, and information. Transportation
	111	networks are the largest and most visible of these. Ancient cities
	112	relied on streets, most of them quite narrow by modern standards, to
	113	carry foot traffic and carts. The modern city contains a complex
	114	hierarchy of transportation channels, ranging from ten-lane freeways
	115	to sidewalks. In the United States, the bulk of trips are carried by
	116	the private automobile, with mass transit a distant second. American
	117	cities display the low-density sprawl characteristic of auto-centered
	118	urban development. In contrast, many European cities have the high
	119	densities necessary to support rail transit. <p>
	120
	121	Modern cities rely on complex networks of utilities. When cities were
	122	small, obtaining pure water and disposing of wastes was not a major
	123	problem, but cities with large populations and high densities require
	124	expensive public infrastructure. During the nineteenth century, rapid
	125	urban growth and industrialization caused overcrowding, pollution, and
	126	disease in urban areas. After the connection between impure water and
	127	disease was established, American and European cities began to install
	128	adequate sewer and water systems. Since the late nineteenth century,
	129	cities have also been laced with wires and conduits carrying
	130	electricity, gas, and communications signals. <p>
	131
	132	<h3>Buildings</h3>
	133
	134	Buildings are the most visible elements of the city, the features that
	135	give each city its unique character. Residential structures occupy
	136	almost half of all urban land, with the building types ranging from
	137	scattered single-family homes to dense high-rise apartments.
	138	Commercial buildings are clustered downtown and at various subcenters,
	139	with skyscrapers packed into the central business district and
	140	low-rise structures prevailing elsewhere, although tall buildings are
	141	becoming more common in the suburbs. Industrial buildings come in many
	142	forms ranging from large factory complexes in industrial districts to
	143	small workshops. <p>
	144
	145	City planners engage in a constant search for the proper arrangement
	146	of these different types of land use, paying particular attention to
	147	the compatibility of different activities, population densities,
	148	traffic generation, economic efficiency, social relationships, and the
	149	height and bulk of buildings. <p>
	150
	151	<h3>Open Spaces</h3>
	152
	153	Open space is sometimes treated as a leftover, but it contributes
	154	greatly to the quality of urban life. "Hard" spaces such as plazas,
	155	malls, and courtyards provide settings for public activities of all
	156	kinds. "Soft" spaces such as parks, gardens, lawns, and nature
	157	preserves provide essential relief from harsh urban conditions and
	158	serve as space for recreational activities. These "amenities"
	159	increasingly influence which cities will be perceived as desirable
	160	places to live. <p>
	161
	162	<h2>Evolution of Urban Form</h2>
	163
	164	The first true urban settlements appeared around 3,000 B.C. in ancient
	165	Mesopotamia, Egypt, and the Indus Valley. Ancient cities displayed
	166	both "organic" and "planned" types of urban form. These societies had
	167	elaborate religious, political, and military hierarchies. Precincts
	168	devoted to the activities of the elite were often highly planned and
	169	regular in form. In contrast, residential areas often grew by a slow
	170	process of accretion, producing complex, irregular patterns that we
	171	term "organic." Two typical features of the ancient city are the wall
	172	and the citadel: the wall for defense in regions periodically swept by
	173	conquering armies, and the citadel -- a large, elevated precinct
	174	within the city -- devoted to religious and state functions. <p>
	175
	176	Greek cities did not follow a single pattern. Cities growing slowly
	177	from old villages often had an irregular, organic form, adapting
	178	gradually to the accidents of topography and history. Colonial cities,
	179	however, were planned prior to settlement using the grid system. The
	180	grid is easy to lay out, easy to comprehend, and divides urban land
	181	into uniform rectangular lots suitable for development. <p>
	182
	183	The Romans engaged in extensive city-building activities as they
	184	consolidated their empire. Rome itself displayed the informal
	185	complexity created by centuries of organic growth, although particular
	186	temple and public districts were highly planned. In contrast, the
	187	Roman military and colonial towns were laid out in a variation of the
	188	grid. Many European cities, like London and Paris, sprang from these
	189	Roman origins. <p>
	190
	191	We usually associate medieval cities with narrow winding streets
	192	converging on a market square with a cathedral and city hall. Many
	193	cities of this period display this pattern, the product of thousands
	194	of incremental additions to the urban fabric. However, new towns
	195	seeded throughout undeveloped regions of Europe were based upon the
	196	familiar grid. In either case, large encircling walls were built for
	197	defense against marauding armies; new walls enclosing more land were
	198	built as the city expanded and outgrew its former container. <p>
	199
	200	During the Renaissance, architects began to systematically study the
	201	shaping of urban space, as though the city itself were a piece of
	202	architecture that could be given an aesthetically pleasing and
	203	functional order. Many of the great public spaces of Rome and other
	204	Italian cities date from this era. Parts of old cities were rebuilt to
	205	create elegant squares, long street vistas, and symmetrical building
	206	arrangements. Responding to advances in firearms during the fifteenth
	207	century, new city walls were designed with large earthworks to deflect
	208	artillery, and star-shaped points to provide defenders with sweeping
	209	lines of fire. Spanish colonial cities in the New World were built
	210	according to rules codified in the Laws of the Indies of 1573,
	211	specifying an orderly grid of streets with a central plaza, defensive
	212	wall, and uniform building style. <p>
	213
	214	We associate the baroque city with the emergence of great
	215	nation-states between 1600 and 1750. Ambitious monarchs constructed
	216	new palaces, courts, and bureaucratic offices. The grand scale was
	217	sought in urban public spaces: long avenues, radial street networks,
	218	monumental squares, geometric parks and gardens. Versailles is a clear
	219	expression of this city-building model; Washington, D.C. is an example
	220	from the United States. Baroque principles of urban design were used
	221	by Baron Haussmann in his celebrated restructuring of Paris between
	222	1853 and 1870. Haussmann carved broad new thoroughfares through the
	223	tangled web of old Parisian streets, linking major subcenters of the
	224	city with one another in a pattern which has served as a model for
	225	many other modernization plans. <p>
	226
	227	Toward the latter half of the eighteenth century, particularly in
	228	America, the city as a setting for commerce assumed primacy. The
	229	buildings of the bourgeoisie expand along with their owners'
	230	prosperity: banks, office buildings, warehouses, hotels, and small
	231	factories. New towns founded during this period were conceived as
	232	commercial enterprises, and the neutral grid was the most effective
	233	means to divide land up into parcels for sale. The city became a
	234	checkerboard on which players speculated on shifting land values. No
	235	longer would religious, political, and cultural imperatives shape
	236	urban development; rather, the market would be allowed to determine
	237	the pattern of urban growth. New York, Philadelphia, and Boston around
	238	1920 exemplify the commercial city of this era, with their bustling,
	239	mixed-use waterfront districts. <p>
	240
	241	<h2>Transition to the Industrial City</h2>
	242
	243	Cities have changed more since the Industrial Revolution than in all
	244	the previous centuries of their existence. New York had a population
	245	of about 313,000 in 1840 but had reached 4,767,000 in 1910. Chicago
	246	exploded from 4.000 to 2,185,000 during the same period. Millions of
	247	rural dwellers no longer needed on farms flocked to the cities, where
	248	new factories churned out products for the new markets made accessible
	249	by railroads and steamships. In the United States, millions of
	250	immigrants from Europe swelled the urban populations. Increasingly,
	251	urban economies were being woven more rightly into the national and
	252	international economies. <p>
	253
	254	Technological innovations poured forth, many with profound impacts on
	255	urban form. Railroad tracks were driven into the heart of the city.
	256	Internal rail transportation systems greatly expanded the radius of
	257	urban settlement: horsecars beginning in the 1830s, cable cars in the
	258	1870s, and electric trolleys in the 1880s. In the 1880s, the first
	259	central power plants began providing electrical power to urban areas.
	260	The rapid communication provided by the telegraph and the telephone
	261	allowed formerly concentrated urban activities to disperse across a
	262	wider field. <p>
	263
	264	The industrial city still focused on the city center, which contained
	265	both the central business district, defined by large office buildings,
	266	and substantial numbers of factory and warehouse structures. Both
	267	trolleys and railroad systems converged on the center of the city,
	268	which boasted the premier entertainment and shopping establishments.
	269	The working class lived in crowded districts close to the city center,
	270	near their place of employment. <p>
	271
	272	Early American factories were located outside of major cities along
	273	rivers which provided water power for machinery. After steam power
	274	became widely available in the 1930s, factories could be located
	275	within the city in proximity to port facilities, rail lines, and the
	276	urban labor force. Large manufacturing zones emerged within the major
	277	northeastern and midwestern cities such as Pittsburgh, Detroit, and
	278	Cleveland. But by the late nineteenth century, factory
	279	decentralization had already begun, as manufacturers sought larger
	280	parcels of land away from the congestion of the city. Gary, Indiana,
	281	for example, was founded in 1906 on the southern shore of Lake
	282	Michigan by the United States Steel Company. <p>
	283
	284	The increasing crowding, pollution, and disease in the central city
	285	produced a growing desire to escape to a healthier environment in the
	286	suburbs. The upper classes had always been able to retreat to homes in
	287	the countryside. Beginning in the 1830s, commuter railroads enabled
	288	the upper middle class to commute in to the city center. Horsecar
	289	lines were built in many cities between the 1830s and 1880s, allowing
	290	the middle class to move out from the central cities into more
	291	spacious suburbs. Finally, during the 1890s electric trolleys and
	292	elevated rapid transit lines proliferated, providing cheap urban
	293	transportation for the majority of the population. <p>
	294
	295	The central business district of the city underwent a radical
	296	transformation with the development of the skyscraper between 1870 and
	297	1900. These tall buildings were not technically feasible until the
	298	invention of the elevator and steel-frame construction methods.
	299	Skyscrapers reflect the dynamics of the real estate market; the tall
	300	building extracts the maximum economic value from a limited parcel of
	301	land. These office buildings housed the growing numbers of
	302	white-collar employees in banking, finance, management, and business
	303	services, all manifestations of the shift from an economy of small
	304	firms to one of large corporations. <p>
	305
	306	<h3>The Form of the Modern City
	307	in the Age of the Automobile</h3>
	308
	309	The city of today may be divided into two parts: <p>
	310
	311	<ul>
	312
	313	<li>An inner zone, coextensive with the boundaries of the old industrial city.
	314
	315	<li>Suburban areas, dating from the 1920s, which have been designed for the automobile from the beginning.
	316
	317	</ul>
	318
	319	The central business districts of American cities have become centers
	320	of information processing, finance, and administration rather than
	321	manufacturing. White-collar employees in these economic sectors
	322	commute in from the suburbs on a network of urban freeways built
	323	during the 1950s and 1960s; this "hub-and-wheel" freeway pattern can
	324	be observed on many city maps. New bridges have spanned rivers and
	325	bays, as in New York and San Francisco, linking together formerly
	326	separate cities into vast urbanized regions. <p>
	327
	328	Waves of demolition and rebuilding have produced "Manhattanized"
	329	downtowns across the land. During the 1950s and 1960s, urban renewal
	330	programs cleared away large areas of the old city, releasing the land
	331	for new office buildings, convention centers, hotels, and sports
	332	complexes. Building surges have converted the downtowns of American
	333	cities into forests of tall office buildings. More recently, office
	334	functions not requiring a downtown location have been moved to huge
	335	office parks in the suburbs. <p>
	336
	337	Surrounding the central business area lies a large band of old
	338	mixed-use and residential buildings which hose the urban poor. High
	339	crime, low income, deteriorating services, inadequate housing, and
	340	intractable social problems plague these neglected areas of urban
	341	America. The manufacturing jobs formerly available to inner city
	342	residents are no longer there, and resources have not been committed
	343	to replace them. <p>
	344
	345	These inner city areas have been left behind by a massive migration to
	346	the suburbs, which began in the late nineteenth century but
	347	accelerated in the 1920s with the spread of the automobile. Freeway
	348	building after World War II opened up even larger areas of suburban
	349	land, which were quickly filled by people fleeing central city
	350	decline. Today, more people live in suburbs than in cities proper.
	351	Manufacturers have also moved their production facilities to suburban
	352	locations which have freeway and rail accessibility. <p>
	353
	354	Indeed, we have reached a new stage of urbanization beyond the
	355	metropolis. Most major cities are no longer focused exclusively on the
	356	traditional downtown. New subcenters have arisen round the periphery,
	357	and these subcenters supply most of the daily needs of their adjacent
	358	populations. The old metropolis has become a multi-centered urban
	359	region. In turn, many of these urban regions have expanded to the
	360	point where they have coalesced into vast belts of urbanization --
	361	what the geographer Jean Gottman termed "megalopolis." The prime
	362	example is the eastern seaboard of the United States from Boston to
	363	Washington. The planner C.A. Doxiadis has speculated that similar vast
	364	corridors of urbanization will appear throughout the world during the
	365	next century. Thus far, American planners have not had much success in
	366	imposing a rational form on this process. However, New Town and
	367	greenbelt programs in Britain and the Scandinavian countries have, to
	368	some extent, prevented formless sprawl from engulfing the countryside.
	369	<p>
	370
	371	<h3>The Economics of Urban Areas</h3>
	372
	373	Since the 1950s, city planners have increasingly paid attention to the
	374	economics of urban areas. When many American cities experienced fiscal
	375	crises during the 1970s, urban financial management assumed even
	376	greater importance. Today, planners routinely assess the economic
	377	consequences of all major changes in the form of the city. <p>
	378
	379	Several basic concepts underlie urban and regional economic analysis.
	380	First, cities cannot grow if their residents simply provide services
	381	for one another. The city must create products which can be sold to an
	382	external purchaser, bringing in money which can be reinvested in new
	383	production facilities and raw materials. This "economic base" of
	384	production for external markets is crucial. Without it, the economic
	385	engine of the city grinds to a halt. <p>
	386
	387	Once the economic base is established, an elaborate internal market
	388	can evolve. This market includes the production of goods and services
	389	for businesses and residents within the city. Obviously, a large part
	390	of the city's physical plant is devoted to facilities for internal
	391	transactions: retail stores of all kinds, restaurants, local
	392	professional services, and so on. <p>
	393
	394	Modern cities are increasingly engaged in competition for economic
	395	resources such as industrial plants, corporate headquarters,
	396	high-technology firms, and government facilities. Cities try to lure
	397	investment with an array of features: low tax rates, improved
	398	transportation and utility infrastructure, cheap land, and skilled
	399	labor force. Amenities such as climate, proximity to recreation,
	400	parks, elegant architecture, and cultural activities influence the
	401	location decisions of businesses and individuals. Many older cities
	402	have difficulty surviving in this new economic game. Abandoned by
	403	traditional industries, they're now trying to create a new economic
	404	base involving growth sectors such as high technology. <p>
	405
	406	Today, cities no longer compete in mere regional or national markets:
	407	the market is an international one. Multinational firms close plants
	408	in Chicago or Detroit and build replacements in Asia or Latin America.
	409	Foreign products dominate whole sectors of the American consumer goods
	410	market. Huge sums of money shift around the globe in instantaneous
	411	electronic transactions. Cities must struggle for survival in a
	412	volatile environment in which the rules are always changing. This
	413	makes city planning even more challenging than before. <p>
	414
	415	<h2>Modern City Planning</h2>
	416
	417	Modern city planning can be divided into two distinct but related
	418	types of planning. visionary city planning proposes radical changes in
	419	the form of the city, often in conjunction with sweeping changes in
	420	the social and economic order. Institutionalized city planning is
	421	lodged within the existing structures of government, and modifies
	422	urban growth processes in moderate, pragmatic ways. It is constrained
	423	by the prevailing alignment of political and economic forces within
	424	the city. <p>
	425
	426	<h3>Visionary or Utopian City Planning</h3>
	427
	428	People have imagined ideal cities for millennia. Plato's Republic was
	429	an ideal city, although lacking in the spatial detail of later
	430	schemes. Renaissance architects designed numerous geometric cities,
	431	and ever since architects have been the chief source of imaginative
	432	urban proposals. In the twentieth century, Le Corbusier, Frank Lloyd
	433	Wright, Paolo Soleri, and dozens of other architects have designed
	434	cities on paper. Although few have been realized in pure form, they
	435	have influenced the layout of many new towns and urban redevelopment
	436	projects. <p>
	437
	438	In his "Contemporary City for Three Million People" of 1922 and
	439	"Radiant City" of 1935, Le Corbusier advocated a high-density urban
	440	alternative, with skyscraper office buildings and mid-rise apartments
	441	placed within park-like open spaces. Different land uses were located
	442	in separate districts, forming a rigid geometric pattern with a
	443	sophisticated system of superhighways and rail transit. <p>
	444
	445	Frank Lloyd Wright envisioned a decentralized low-density city in
	446	keeping with his distaste for large cities and belief in frontier
	447	individualism. The Broadacre City plan of 1935 is a large grid of
	448	arterials spread across the countryside, with most of the internal
	449	space devoted to single-family homes on large lots. Areas are also
	450	carefully set aside for small farms, light industry, orchards,
	451	recreation areas, and other urban facilities. A network of
	452	superhighways knits the region together, so spatially dispersed
	453	facilities are actually very close in terms of travel time. In many
	454	ways, Wright's Broadacre City resembles American suburban and exurban
	455	developments of the post-WWII period. <p>
	456
	457	Many other utopian plans could be catalogued, but the point is that
	458	planners and architects have generated a complex array of urban
	459	patterns from which to draw ideas and inspiration. Most city planners,
	460	however, do not work on a blank canvas; they can only make incremental
	461	changes to an urban scene already shaped by a complicated historical
	462	process. <p>
	463
	464	<h3>Institutionalized City Planning</h3>
	465
	466	The form of the city is determined primarily by thousands of private
	467	decisions to construct buildings, within a framework of public
	468	infrastructure and regulations administered by the city, state, and
	469	federal governments. City planning actions can have enormous impacts
	470	on land values. From the point of view of land economics, the city is
	471	an enormous playing field on which thousands of competitors struggle
	472	to capture value by constructing or trading land and buildings. The
	473	goal of city planning is to intervene in this game in order to protect
	474	widely shared public values such as health, safety, environmental
	475	quality, social equality, and aesthetics. <p>
	476
	477	The roots of American city planning lie in an array of reform efforts
	478	of the late nineteenth century: the Parks movement, the City Beautiful
	479	movement, campaigns for housing regulations, the Progressive movement
	480	for government reform, and efforts to improve public health through
	481	the provision of sanitary sewers and clean water supplies. The First
	482	National Conference on City Planning occurred in 1909, the same year
	483	as Daniel Burnham's famous Plan of Chicago. That date may be used to
	484	mark the inauguration of the new profession. The early city planners
	485	actually came from diverse backgrounds such as architecture, landscape
	486	architecture, engineering, and law, but they shared a common desire to
	487	produce a more orderly urban pattern. <p>
	488
	489	The zoning of land became, and still is, the most potent instrument
	490	available to American city planners for controlling urban development.
	491	Zoning is basically the dividing of the city into discrete areas
	492	within which only certain land uses and types of buildings can be
	493	constructed. The rationale is that certain activities of building
	494	types don't mix well; factories and homes, for example. Illogical
	495	mixtures create nuisances for the parties involved and lower land
	496	values. After several decades of gradual development, land-use zoning
	497	received legal approval from the Supreme Court in 1926. <p>
	498
	499	Zoning isn't the same as planning: it is a legal tool for the
	500	implementation of plans. Zoning should be closely integrated with a
	501	Master Plan or Comprehensive Plan that spells out a logical path for
	502	the city's future in areas such as land use, transportation, parks and
	503	recreation, environmental quality, and public works construction. In
	504	the early days of zoning this was often neglected, but this lack of
	505	coordination between zoning and planning is less common now. <p>
	506
	507	The other important elements of existing city planning are subdivision
	508	regulations and environmental regulations. Subdivision regulations
	509	require that land being subdivided for development be provided with
	510	adequate street, sewers, water, schools, utilities, and various design
	511	features. The goal is to prevent shabby, deficient developments that
	512	produce headaches for both their residents and the city. Since the
	513	late 1960s, environmental regulations have exerted a stronger
	514	influence on patterns of urban growth by restricting development in
	515	floodplains, on unstable slopes, on earthquake faults, or near
	516	sensitive natural areas. Businesses have been forced to reduce smoke
	517	emissions and the disposal of wastes has been more closely monitored.
	518	Overall, the pace of environmental degradation has been slowed, but
	519	certainly not stopped, and a dismaying backlog of environmental
	520	hazards remains to be cleaned up. City planners have plenty of work to
	521	do as we move into the twenty-first century. <p>
	522
	523	<h2>Conclusion: Good City Form</h2>
	524
	525	What is the good city? We are unlikely to arrive at an unequivocal
	526	answer; the diversity of human needs and tastes frustrates all
	527	attempts to provide recipes or instruction manuals for the building of
	528	cities. However, we can identify the crucial dimensions of city
	529	performance, and specify the many ways in which cities can achieve
	530	success along these dimensions. <p>
	531
	532	A most useful guide in this enterprise is Kevin Lynch's A Theory of
	533	Good City Form (Cambridge, MA, MIT Press, 1981). Lynch offers five
	534	basic dimensions of city performance: vitality, sense, fit, access,
	535	and control. To these he adds two "meta-criteria," efficiency and
	536	justice. <p>
	537
	538	For Lynch, a vital city successfully fulfils the biological needs of
	539	its inhabitants, and provides a safe environment for their activities.
	540	A sensible city is organized so that its residents can perceive and
	541	understand the city's form and function. A city with good fit provides
	542	the buildings, spaces, and networks required for its residents to
	543	pursue their projects successfully. An accessible city allows people
	544	of all ages and background to gain the activities, resources,
	545	services, and information that they need. A city with good control is
	546	arranged so that its citizens have a say in the management of the
	547	spaces in which they work and reside. <p>
	548
	549	Finally, an efficient city achieves the goals listed above at the
	550	least cost, and balances the achievement of the goals with one
	551	another. They cannot all be maximized at the same time. And a just
	552	city distributes benefits among its citizens according to some fair
	553	standard. Clearly, these two meta-criteria raise difficult issues
	554	which will continue to spark debates for the foreseeable future. <p>
	555
	556	These criteria tell aspiring city builders where to aim, while
	557	acknowledging the diverse ways of achieving good city form. Cities are
	558	endlessly fascinating because each is unique, the product of decades,
	559	centuries, or even millennia of historical evolution. As we walk
	560	through city streets, we walk through time, encountering the
	561	city-building legacy of past generations. Paris, Venice, Rome, New
	562	York, Chicago, San Francisco -- each has its glories and its failures.
	563	In theory, we should be able to learn the lessons of history and build
	564	cities that our descendants will admire and wish to preserve. That
	565	remains a constant challenge for all those who undertake the task of
	566	city planning. <p>
	567
	568	<p>
	569
	570	<hr>
	571	<p>
	572	<h2>Micropolis, Unix Version.</h2>
	573	This game was released for the Unix platform
	574	in or about 1990 and has been modified for inclusion in the One Laptop
	575	Per Child program. Copyright © 1989 - 2007 Electronic Arts Inc. If
	576	you need assistance with this program, you may contact:
	577	<a href="http://wiki.laptop.org/go/Micropolis">http://wiki.laptop.org/go/Micropolis</a> or email <a href="mailto:micropolis@laptop.org">micropolis@laptop.org</a>.
	578	</p><p>
	579
	580	This program is free software: you can redistribute it and/or modify
	581	it under the terms of the GNU General Public License as published by
	582	the Free Software Foundation, either version 3 of the License, or (at
	583	your option) any later version.
	584	</p><p>
	585
	586	This program is distributed in the hope that it will be useful, but
	587	WITHOUT ANY WARRANTY; without even the implied warranty of
	588	MERCHANTABILITY or FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE. See the GNU
	589	General Public License for more details. You should have received a
	590	copy of the GNU General Public License along with this program. If
	591	not, see <a href="http://www.gnu.org/licenses/">http://www.gnu.org/licenses/</a>.
	592	</p><p>
	593
	594	<h3 align="center">ADDITIONAL TERMS per GNU GPL Section 7</h3>
	595
	596	</p><p>
	597	No trademark or publicity rights are granted. This license does NOT
	598	give you any right, title or interest in the trademark SimCity or any
	599	other Electronic Arts trademark. You may not distribute any
	600	modification of this program using the trademark SimCity or claim any
	601	affliation or association with Electronic Arts Inc. or its employees.
	602	</p><p>
	603
	604	Any propagation or conveyance of this program must include this
	605	copyright notice and these terms.
	606	</p><p>
	607
	608	If you convey this program (or any modifications of it) and assume
	609	contractual liability for the program to recipients of it, you agree
	610	to indemnify Electronic Arts for any liability that those contractual
	611	assumptions impose on Electronic Arts.
	612	</p><p>
	613
	614	You may not misrepresent the origins of this program; modified
	615	versions of the program must be marked as such and not identified as
	616	the original program.
	617	</p><p>
	618
	619	This disclaimer supplements the one included in the General Public
	620	License. <b>TO THE FULLEST EXTENT PERMISSIBLE UNDER APPLICABLE LAW, THIS
	621	PROGRAM IS PROVIDED TO YOU "AS IS," WITH ALL FAULTS, WITHOUT WARRANTY
	622	OF ANY KIND, AND YOUR USE IS AT YOUR SOLE RISK. THE ENTIRE RISK OF
	623	SATISFACTORY QUALITY AND PERFORMANCE RESIDES WITH YOU. ELECTRONIC ARTS
	624	DISCLAIMS ANY AND ALL EXPRESS, IMPLIED OR STATUTORY WARRANTIES,
	625	INCLUDING IMPLIED WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY, SATISFACTORY QUALITY,
	626	FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE, NONINFRINGEMENT OF THIRD PARTY
	627	RIGHTS, AND WARRANTIES (IF ANY) ARISING FROM A COURSE OF DEALING,
	628	USAGE, OR TRADE PRACTICE. ELECTRONIC ARTS DOES NOT WARRANT AGAINST
	629	INTERFERENCE WITH YOUR ENJOYMENT OF THE PROGRAM; THAT THE PROGRAM WILL
	630	MEET YOUR REQUIREMENTS; THAT OPERATION OF THE PROGRAM WILL BE
	631	UNINTERRUPTED OR ERROR-FREE, OR THAT THE PROGRAM WILL BE COMPATIBLE
	632	WITH THIRD PARTY SOFTWARE OR THAT ANY ERRORS IN THE PROGRAM WILL BE
	633	CORRECTED. NO ORAL OR WRITTEN ADVICE PROVIDED BY ELECTRONIC ARTS OR
	634	ANY AUTHORIZED REPRESENTATIVE SHALL CREATE A WARRANTY. SOME
	635	JURISDICTIONS DO NOT ALLOW THE EXCLUSION OF OR LIMITATIONS ON IMPLIED
	636	WARRANTIES OR THE LIMITATIONS ON THE APPLICABLE STATUTORY RIGHTS OF A
	637	CONSUMER, SO SOME OR ALL OF THE ABOVE EXCLUSIONS AND LIMITATIONS MAY
	638	NOT APPLY TO YOU.</b>
	639	</p>
	640	</body>